THE DISCREPANCY OF SOCIAL IDENTITY WITH ARABIC COMPETENCE AND THE STUDENTS’ RELIGIOUS ATTITUDE

The organization of Indonesian Muslim Student Action Union (KAMMI) of UIN Mataram is one of the student organizations that often use some Arabic vocabularies in its communication. The research aimed to explain the existence of Arabic language in this organization including competence, transformation of social identity and the relationship of the religious attitude of its members. The study used the social identity theory and the models of religious attitudes. The result showed that the Arabic competence of KAMMI members was not very high. The Arabic language frequently used by KAMMI members becomes their social identity even though it is only at a limited level of communication. Their religious attitude was categorized as an exclusive category with accompanying attributes such as code switching of Arabic language in daily dialogue, wearing labelled syar‘i clothes and make themselves feel to be more Islamic with these attributes.


Introduction
The Arabic language is widespread along with the spread of Islam embraced by the majority of Indonesian people. Soekanto suggested that the establishment of identity has a very close association with the language, and therefore the language has a considerable influence on the function of social control (Narwoko & Suyanto, 2007: 29). It can be seen from the fact that the identity of a person is often seen from the language used. The results of the study by Eric Kuntoro Wibowo (2019) also showed that the language as a social identification is also used in naming people as it happens to Arab people in Indonesia.
Ahmad Mubaligh (2020) further states that the language actually has a strong relationship with ideology. In further functions, language is not just a means for communicating. However, the language can be a means to influence, change, even it can be a means to master others. Yuwono (2009) says that language is a means for individuals to cooperate, communicate and identify themselves. That means there is a motion of understanding to identify someone from the language (Albintani & Ishak, 2020).
One organization that uses the switching of Arabic language is the student organization of KAMMI (Muhtadi, 2012: 45). The students who are the members of the movement tend to use some Arabic vocabularies in their communication. For example, the use of the word akhī for male friends and ukhtī for female friends. Similarly, in some events they tend to adopt Arabic language terms such as liqa> ' for the names of small community studies among their members. There is also a tasqīf activity where several liqa> ' groups join to conduct an Islamic study together.
In addition, the KAMMI student organization is able to attract other students in organizing their unique social movement identity. The KAMMI movement brings out Arabic-speaking communication, although it is limited but it is interesting to see how they put Arabic in its internal community. This movement also makes Arabic as the "identity" of the group. Related to this, the researcher had an interest in doing deeper research in how the relation between the Arabic language they often use in daily communication as well as its effect on the attitudes towards religiosity of the members of KAMMI. The researcher tried to complicate mapping against Arabic as the social identity of some Islamic movements in Indonesia and its implications for their own religious attitude.
The above studies are concerned more with partial learning variables, whereas language learning, especially Arabic, is very complex, considering that Arabic is not only the language of human communication but also the language used for transmitting teachings in the scriptures. This study connects the level of competence in Arabic language with Arabic as a social identity and religious attitude.
These three variables assume that the interest of learning Arabic is closely related to the pride in the language so that it is used as a language of communication as is done by the members of the KAMMI UIN Mataram. At the same time, the tendency to learn Arabic also rises with the learner's religious attitude.
This study aimed to reveal the symbolical relationship between Arabic language, competence, and religious attitude. The Arabic language in Indonesia has evolved in several identities: first, it serves as a religious identity through religious rituals; secondly, it acts as scientific identity through the presence of Arabic textbooks in the country, and lastly, it serves as a new social identity. The emergence of social groups and student organizations, such as KAMMI whose members use Arabic language as their means of communication is one of the evidences of the last one. However, the Arabic language is exclusively perceived as merely the marker of the group; their language competence seems to be low as reflected in limited and monotonous language expressions. As a matter of fact, the Arabic language, which is often associated with Islam, has nothing to do with their religious attitude; the members of the KAMMI often show exclusive religious attitudes due to the supervision and mentoring system they use (Fitrianita & Ambarsari, 2018).
Social identity, as shown in language practices, might become the instruments of binding and loyalty in the use of language for learners. It means, the higher the loyalty in using a certain language, the more success the learning process. At the same time, the use of foreign language, Arabic, has also serve as a factor to improve self-esteem. Self-esteem in language usage will eventually increase the users' loyalty, protection and preservation to the language. For students who are the members of KAMMI, using Arabic in greeting each other, albeit certain vocabulary, is a form of social identity. As the loyalty of KAMMI members in using Arabic language is quite high, their language competence can be considered good.
This research become even more interesting because the problems in Arabic language learning have only been examined from the aspect of learning methods and medias. Some have tried to identify the aspect of learning motivation, yet it drives to the impression that Arabic language merely concerns with learning method and motivation, while neglecting the function of language as social identity.

Method
The study was a field research with qualitative types employing a social anthropology approach (Koentjaraningrat, 2015: 13). This approach is relevant because language studies, social identity and religious behavior are part of social anthropology. The data collection methods used in collecting these research data were through observation, interviews, documentation (Arikunto, 2002: 206) and focus group discussion (FGD). In conducting observations, the researcher viewed and observed directly some activities and daily life of members of KAMMI organization of UIN Mataram, it is when they conduct weekly discussion (the activity of madrasa KAMMI). The researcher's observation object included the interaction and attitude of the organization members.
In addition, the researcher also conducted in-depth interviews to several central figures who had a fairly strong linkage relationship with the study. For example, interview with the Chairperson and caretaker of KAMMI of UIN Mataram, both informal interviews and structured formulas. In addition, the researcher collected deeper important documents such as archives and journals that contain data information that will support the research to be the research documentation. Arabic language module used to learn and the subject taught at madrasah KAMMI was also collected. To deepen the discussion, the researcher also conducted FGD with 20 lecturers in the neighborhood of UIN Mataram.
In analyzing all the data collected, the researcher used the theory of Hanry Tajfel and the hypothesis of Sapir-Whorf (Jarvis, 2015: 184) in reviewing the association of Arabic Language with social identity of KAMMI of UIN Mataram. Furthermore, the researcher used the theory of Komaruddin Hidayat (1998) in seeing how the religious attitude of organization movement of KAMMI of UIN Mataram.

Result The Existence of KAMMI of UIN Mataram
In the structure of the KAMMI management hierarchy, the UIN Mataram is at the level of commissariat. The sequential management of KAMMI is the Central Board or Pengurus Pusat (PP), Regional Board or Pengurus Wilayah (PW), District Management or Pengurus Daerah (PD) and the Commissariat Board or Pengurus Komisariat (PK). The commissariat of UIN Mataram has no independent secretariat to manage the framework activities. All the activities of coordinating commissariat in Lombok is centred at the regional secretariat of KAMMI. Several cadres remain in the House of the Secretariat. However, not a few other members of KAMMI participated in the atmosphere of the secretariat, whether it is for activities or to just visit other members. Masykuri Abdillah said that the existence of good moral ethics and a good nation character became a major capital in the development of the Civilized and Advanced nation (Abdillah, 2011, h.161). The willingness of the students to undergo such a process is actually the fertilization of the future generation of nations. Willingness to sacrifice material and time in rolling various organizational activities become a difficult option. Therefore, when the researcher conducted interviews with several members in the secretariat, there were some of them who have exceeded the normal limit of four years study. As a student organization, KAMMI of UIN Mataram participated actively in the student government in campus. Following the general elections of the students in each faculty became the events that continue to be involved as a step endeavour to the realization of Bina> al-Qa> 'idah al-Siya> siyah on campus. Faisal Ismail states that the college is the fourth pillar of democracy that is capable of shifting the press position by citing the thought of Mahbub Djunaedi from Ismail Suny (Ismail, 2019: 158). If in the pillar itself, there is a movement of anti-democracy then how democracy will remain upright to support the future civilization.
Considering the knowledge, KAMMI became one of the organizations that is always present in the colouring knowledge activities in campus, although the discussion was not the difficult theme. Some of the themes of discussion were documented by the researcher from KAMMI movement of UIN Mataram are more prone to practical and easy themes in addressing daily issues. Regarding the Islamic studies, when the organization did not provide quite in-depth study, some members of KAMMI of UIN Mataram got the supply of Islamic knowledge from some of Islamic boarding schools in Lombok. Some alumni of these Islamic boarding schools in Lombok tend to find the comfort and similarity of understanding in KAMMI. Internally, KAMMI has already had the culture of Arabic greetings that is quite good and bold. But the presence of the members who came from the boarding schools also give colour in the Islamic discourse of Kammi of UIN Mataram which would be discussed further in the next chapter.

Arabic Competence
Actually, almost all students of UIN Mataram got Arabic courses at the beginning of the first year in college. Nevertheless, the presence of these courses has not been enough to increase the Arabic competence of the students. Iwan one of the members of KAMMI from FEBI of UIN Mataram took the same course, but complained about the learning model. Iwan's impression is that some educators tend to consider that students' abilities were same. In fact, not all students have the background of Islamic boarding school. Therefore, what happens was the explanation of Arabic language that was not delivered effectively.
The interesting thing was when paying attention to the final competency test that the researcher gave to respondents of KAMMI members of UIN Mataram. Where the respondents were asked to write some vocabularies or mufrada> t they knew in Arabic as well as their meanings.
Some people who have first learned Arabic in the Islamic boarding school tend to write down some vocabularies from al-fi'l (verb). Where the distinctive pattern is the closeness to al-fi'l (verb) is more often than to al-ism (nouns). This could be seen from the tradition of learning ṣarf or taṣrifan which is often performed in Islamic boarding schools. Eka Safitri (2017) said that in the Islamic boarding school the sharf is used to analyze the morphological structure of a word in Arabic. It is slightly different from what some other respondents have written in answering the question. The second group tends to be more likely to write some Arabic vocabularies that she found in daily activities of KAMMI. It could be seen from the mufrada> t list that she wrote.
Whether it is a group from the Islamic boarding school or not, KAMMI members carry out the process of learning Arabic culturally instead of in a formal and standard learning forum. However, they feel quite ‚complacent‛ of Arabic when using it in daily activities to greet or insert in other dialogue. There has been no effort to conduct a serious and in depth study of Arabic together with the scriptures for further practice in daily life.

Social Identity
It is undeniable that one of the typical characteristics of KAMMI organization is the obvious use of Islamic symbols and attributes. Bahrul Ulum in one of the scientific articles that discussed KAMMI movement said that in fact the activists of the organization were not like the HMI (Association of Islamic Students) and PMII (Indonesian Islamic Students Movement). However, what distinguishes according to Bahrul was the symbol of Islam they used were more prominent (Bahrul Ulum, 2006). The symbol referred to by Bahrul for example was the wide veil worn by female activists.
What was presented by Bahrul is actually a factual. Nevertheless, the tendency to assertion of the Islamic symbols was not only in terms of clothing attributes, but it was also seen from the language diction they used. The language they use was not English or Latin but Arabic. Some words that were often used in their daily activities were ana (I), antum (You), syukran (thanks), 'afwan (sorry, you're welcome) and others.
What would be investigated first is how the Arabic language into a part of KAMMI's member identity. Because if it is examined by other student organizations such as HMI, PMII and IMM (Muhammadiyah Students Association), the KAMMI organization is the most visible organization of the use of Arabic language in the daily activities of the members. Almost every member of KAMMI initially felt amused when they had to be familiarizing with the Arabic word greetings. Then it is common because they often use these terms. The researcher restated that Henry Tajfel and Turner in his social identity theory expressed some ideas on how that social identity could be established. There are at least three processes occur in the formation of social identities: (a) social grouping, (b) social identification and (c) social comparisons. Before an individual gains his social identity, he will first try to categorize himself (Jarvis, 2012: 184).
Before joining the organization, members of KAMMI actually began to conduct the social grouping process. At least they observed how the characteristics of each organization are viewed. This initial step is referred to by Matt Jarvis as the first step of social identification (Jarvis, 2012: 184). It is primarily about the compatibility of their views towards the organization where the matches produce comfort for themselves. Rodhi said that at the beginning of being a student and about to enter the world of campus organization he had to observe several organizations with all their strength and weaknesses. Although he was from the Islamic boarding school, he felt less comfortable when choosing PMII as a student organization. Rodhi better found a comfort with the organization of KAMMI which he thought to be more Islamic.
Other member such as Fiqa also experienced Rodhi's experience. Grow with the knowledge in the Islamic boarding school makes her has a very strong view of the boarding school tradition. Instead of joining PMII that is often associated with NU but it turns out that Fiqa preferred to join KAMMI organization. When being asked what was the reason she would prefer to join KAMMI than to PMII, she replied that she only found what she was looking for and that suited with her heart was KAMMI organization. Almost all of them consider that the social interaction in KAMMI is more Islamic than other student organizations. They view these from the teachings of ghaẓu al-Baṣar (avoiding eyes to see what is forbidden to be seen) (Ibn Kastir, 2017: 368), syar'i appearance, and the traditions in Kammi of UIN Mataram which is still preserved is the interactive activity between the male and female is immediately closed when it is about to enter Maghrib time to return home and do their activities. This could be because there are other student organizations that interact until night even until late in certain places and with certain excuses.
After the social grouping process is complete, the process of the next social identity is the social identification process (Jarvis, 2012: 184). The process is demonstrated by the taking of the group identity followed. If Tajfel and Turner gave examples of student groups who behave like a student, so do the members of the KAMMI. Members of KAMMI should behave as the character of other members of KAMMI. The attitude can be seen ranging from the dress, how to interact even to the level of their attitudes and other thoughts. Nazala presents some characteristics of the female member of KAMMI. In Lombok female KAMMI are often seen to use several symbols such as the veil and the face sheet, and flag logos of Palestine. The use of face sheet in Lombok is actually pretty much done by some female. This phenomenon can be seen at least when we are in the Islamic Centre.
Another important thing about the characteristic or identity of KAMMI is the use of its distinctive interactive language where they use some Arabic vocabularies although they use some limited vocabularies in their daily life. Abdul Hakim who is also a former activist of KAMMI and LDK Malang said that the words of greeting in Arabic in KAMMI were not taught in the formal forum. However, the words were bequeathed to the next generation that transformed into a cultural tradition in KAMMI. There are at least three aspects of characteristics that have been discussed above have shown the characteristic indicators of KAMMI. The social identification process performed by members of KAMMI started from dressing, thinking and how to interact with their Arabic languages. From the social identification process according to Tajfel and Turner will bring about emotional bonds. Even the members' self-esteem will be closely related to the existence of KAMMI organization.
The next process in the realization of social identity is social comparison. Tajfel and Turner said that the tendency to emerge in this phase is to compare the organizations being followed and other organizations (Matt Jarvis, 2012, h.185). The comparison can actually occur from two directions i.e. centrifugal and centripetal motions. The comparison of centrifugal motion models come from internal members of KAMMI to the other organization. Some of the statements expressed by Rodhi and Fiqa in the previous about the convenience that they did not find in PMII because they have already been far away from the Islamic boarding school tradition was a part of this comparison. The use of Arabic greeting including ana> (I), antum (You), syukran (thank you), 'afwan (sorry) and other brief prayers such as syafa> kallah (May Allah heal soon), jaza> kallah (May Allah reply [your good]) is the event of the initial capital of the comparison. This is enhanced by other attributes that are often labeled as syar'i. When calculated then all indicators from the above are referred to in one Islamic individual entity.
The centripetal motion from the outside also apparently confirms the image of social identity owned by the KAMMI members. Syarifuddin one of the lecturers in UIN Mataram said that in some of his classes, KAMMI students have distinctive symbols (clothing). In addition, the personal impression says that they who are members of KAMMI have better attitude. In addition, they often use Arabic greeting which is clearly different from other organizations. Moreover Syarifuddin explained that when using a greeting adopted from the Arabic language there is a sense of more Islamic than the other.
Of the many explanations about the social identity above, one that is more familiar and more distinguishing with the other organizations is the communication model performed by the members of KAMMI where they insert a variety of Arabic vocabularies in the communication activity. The Chief of Commissariat of KAMMI of UIN Mataram Sugiyanto when being asked why choosing Arabic vocabularies for the communication with his fellow members. He firmly answered that in the word of anā (I) and antum (we/you) keep the spirit of egalitarianism. Whether it is to the senior or the junior, all keep using the same vocabularies when greeting.
Furthermore, when some Arabic vocabularies form the social identity of KAMMI group, then how to do with the religious attitude articulated by the members of the organization since in Sociolinguistics treasures, Arabic is a religious language, so the speaker is often identified as religious figures.

Religious Attitude
Sapir and Whorf in psycholinguistic theories, argue that language can affect individual's behaviour (Abu Chaer, 2009: 53-64). This can be contrary to other psycholinguistic theory that has the opposite view. However, in this case the researcher tried to present Saphir's and Whorf's views. David Matsumoto considers that the two have thought that different cultural realities show different languages (Matsumoto, 2008: 129). This means that the language used by the members of KAMMI will provide stimulus or influence on the cultured process.
As previously stated, that Komarudin Hidayat divided the models of the religious attitude or which is often referred to the religious typology into the five classes. These five types are (a) exclusivity, (b) inclusive, (c) pluralism, (d) electives, and (e) universalism. These five types are not an absolute thing partially embedded in a person's religious attitude. Nevertheless, the five has the potential to emerge; if there is one that is more dominant or prominent then it is called as a tendency since in the individual, it could be not only one prominent type (Komarudin Hidayat, 1998, h. 119). If we look at the typology above, the religious attitude of KAMMI members is categorized into the exclusive category. The understanding can be taken into the existing literature. For example, Ali Said Damanik in his book Fenomena Partai Keadilan says that the presence of KAMMI cannot be apart from the entity of ikhwānu al-Muslimīn. The thought of Hasan al-Banna continued to be used in all forms of KAMMI activism (Damanik, 2003: 193).
Today ikhwa> nu al-Muslimīn is a movement that is considered as a part of the fundamentalist Islam with an exclusive religious attitude. Aksin Wijaya in his book entitled Merebut Kontestasi Kebenaran Islam states that ikhwānu al-Muslimīn as an exclusive Islam. Some of figures who became important in this movement including Adian Husaini, Anis Malik Thaha, and Fahmi Zarkasyi (Wijaya, 2019: 63). One of their thoughts studied by Aksin is that the way of human salvation is only in Islam. In addition, some of them are lecturers at the University of Darussalam Gontor which is familiar with Arabic. In addition, Abdurrahman Wahid in the Book of Ilusi Negara Islam confirms that the main agenda of the hard-line groups such as Wahabi, ikhwa> nu al-Muslimi> n and HTI is gaining political power with the religious formalization model (Wahid, 2009: 100). Further in his other book entitled Islamku Islam Anda Islam Kita, an intellectual of Indonesia who is familiarly called Gus Dur mentioned that the use of Arabic words by this group is a form of less-confident facing the globalization (Wahid, 2006: 245-246). Therefore, the escape is the formalism of syariat in various life activities including code switching of Arabic in religious activities and daily activities as seen in KAMMI movement phenomenon.
However, the research found that there were several things that become important notes for the researcher. The main point is in viewing position of religious attitude of KAMMI members of UIN Mataram. Where there may be a similar style of KAMMI in general and it turns out to be not the case. First, Doctrine of religious of KAMMI members of UIN Mataram is managed in the Madrasah forum of KAMMI. Each Madrasah forum consists of several KAMMI cadres accompanied by one murabbi or murabbiah. The position of murabbiah is very important in giving religious doctrines to the Madrasah participants. Even their control reaches the level of evaluation of the ubu> diyyah activity. When examined deeper, there is a resemblance of this system to the usrah system that promoted by Hasan al-Banna in developing ikhwa> nu al-Muslimīn. Ali Said Damanik described it as a system of regeneration in the body of ikhwa> nu al-Muslimīn (Ali Said Damanik, 2003, h. 193).
Doctrine and controlling to the ubu> diyyah activities or religious activities, both have a distinctive influence on the religious attitudes of the cadres. Call it for example what happened with Maulidia who is one of KAMMI akhwa> t cadre of UIN Mataram. Among the many cadres of KAMMI, Maulidia is one of the cadres who has been wearing a face sheet in her daily activities.
When the researcher asked why she did it, she replied that her role of murabbiah that drove her to such religious articulation. She admitted that initially it was difficult, but eventually she is accustomed to, as what happen at the moment. In addition Arabic language comes in such process.
It is readable from several times the sentence demonstrated by Fiqa when her murabbiah evaluates the ubu> diyyah activities she has been done in a week. Emilia Fitriani one of the lecturers in UIN Mataram who also felt the same atmosphere said that in the activity of Liqa' or KAMMI Madrasa, it has new Arabic vocabularies that is conveyed to members Liqa' or Madrasa. Moreover, Emilia said that the impression that comes towards KAMMI members is diligent people.
Second is the activity that has always been separated between male and female. The spacing is the articulation of their religious attitude regarding the interaction between genders. When being asked their reason then their answer is to avoid the slander. Moreover, they actualized the teachings of ghazwu al-Bashar which had been discussed at the beginning. Fiqa even said that if there is a meeting forum and such, then the maximum time is until 18.00 or until Maghrib time. After that, they have to go home.
Third was a meeting between the researcher with the chairman of KAMMI of UIN Mataram around Islamic Centre of Lombok. The discussion began to take place in the evening after Maghrib prayer about the KAMMI movement in the future. Sugiyanto, chairman of KAMMI of UIN Mataram, was accompanied by one of his friends discussed the dynamics of KAMMI in campus.
Until the adza> n of 'isya the discussion had to be stopped to take a moment listening to Azan from the mosque of Islamic Centre.
When the researcher asked about the discussion to continue with the meaning of prayer after the discussion was completed, he and his friend agreed. In fact, the activists who are in the organization of "Islam Kanan" concerning the matter of prayer always be the number one to be performed in the beginning of time and be done together. At least it became the initial calculation of the researcher with the expectations but it does not happen.
This indicates that the current religious culture of KAMMI of UIN Mataram is not being at a rigid point. The researcher's negotiation with Sugiyanto at that time, is interpreted by the researcher as a form of flexibility in their religious attitudes. The religious understanding mentioned previously fall into the exclusive genealogies does not necessarily make Sugiyanto imposed the researcher. Because Zuly Qodir (2016) said that one of the factors leading to the emergence of radical understanding with the coercion of truth is a rigid religious understanding. The next interesting discussion presented by Sugiyanto was the Arabic language selection that become the greeting among members of KAMMI in UIN Mataram. Although it is actually almost all over Indonesia use the same thing. The researcher do not see similar cultures in other student organizations although the same language is often used by other Islamic groups.
Back to the Arabic issue of KAMMI members of UIN Mataram, Sugiyanto said that the Arabic language was an egalitarian language. Sugiyanto's view is actually a proposition for them to preserve the existence of Arabic language in their daily activities. Even though the Arabic language is still limited in terms of code switching i.e not being completely thorough.

Discussion
Scholars differ on the factors influencing the level of language competence. Wahyudi Buska (2020) revealed that the improvement of Arabic language competence was greatly influenced by the centralized learning process such as in laboratory, meaning that language laboratories greatly influenced the improvement of Arabic language competence. The influence of a language laboratory on Arabic language competence, however, also depends on its management and quality assurance system. Meanwhile, Mukmin in his research found that the competence of Arabic is strongly influenced by the educational background of the learner. This means that the earlier someone gets to know Arabic, the higher the level of competence will be. Furthermore, Mukmin (2019) also said that language competence is also influenced by motivation, both intrinsic and extrinsic.
The results of these two studies indicate that the increasing language competence is closely related to the learning process, both in terms of the environment, media and learning motivation. Another research shows that competence in Arabic is not only related to the learning process, motivation, media and methods, but competence is also very closely related to the users of the language, the more they make their language an identity, the higher the level of loyalty to using it.
Habiburrahman's (2020) research on the relationship of language, identity and ideology shows that the emergence of Arabic terminology used by the Acehnese people in communicating both written and oral is related to the application of sharia. The influence of identity on future careers was also noted by Natalia Góralczyk (2020). Natalia said that 63% of people learn English because they think it is the language of civilization. Natalia further revealed that every good teacher will be a model for students who can ultimately influence students to learn languages. The interaction of educators with students will give birth to ideological and interactional communication if the communication built by educators involves scope and context. A similar research was also conducted by Najib Noorashid (2018) with the conclusion that the low interest in learning languages was caused by the lack of pride of the existing language. In other words, the non-attachment of language as self-identity has caused a lack of interest in someone to learn language. Language learning is also strongly influenced by the learner's identity. As research conducted by Yan Huang shows that the accuracy of accent language, English, is biased for nonnative learners (Huang and Hashim, 2020).
The data in this research show that Arabic greeting which is used by KAMMI members at Mataram tend to depict social identity, rather than language competence. The frequency in the use of Arabic language in greeting, could not serve as language loyalty or preservation. Whereas, the social identity is built through certain Arabic vocabularies.
The result of this research is open for discussion and further research, in which mixing language code does not consequently increase the language competence. Future research may focus to investigate the symbolic correlation between Arabic language with the direction of KAMMI ideologizing movement through language.

Conclusion
The Arabic competence of KAMMI members of UIN Mataram is not very high in the majority. Even though they use several greetings in Arabic, it does not reflect their level of competence. Only a few members have studied at Islamic boarding school (pesantren) and have competency test results with high score. However, their participation in teaching Arabic to fellow members did not go well. The presence of Arabic in the organization becomes the differentiating characteristics from other student organizations. Arabic language is used for greeting and in some daily activities becomes social identity of KAMMI members. However, the majority of them use the Arabic language only for greeting and limited communication. The religious attitude that is demonstrated by members of KAMMI is generally exclusive. KAMMI's image is considered well by people around them. Using the Arabic language by codes witching instills an Islamic sense in members of KAMMI. The religious attitudes shown by KAMMI members are generally exclusive.
This exclusive religious attitude begins with a closed activity model, such as the halaqah, liqa', and the cadre program through the KAMMI madrasah. The role of the senior (murabbi) in supervising each member's movement becomes an effective control tool so that each member always obeys the command of the organization. The implication of the strict control of the has an impact on the emergence of an image of KAMMI members' piety which is well captured by those around them. Using Arabic with the mixed code instills a sense of Islam in KAMMI members. Although the religious attitude is very dynamically from the generations to the next generation.[]